EuroMicroday 2003 i Slovenien
af Eurocenter

Sloveniens hovedstad Ljubljana danner den 29. juni 2003 ramme om et partnertræf inden for mikrobiologi. Der er her mulighed for at indhente den nyeste viden på området og træffe nye samarbejdspartnere.
Partnertræffet vil bestå i et seminar om mikrobiologi, en række workshops om forskellige støtteordninger til forskning og teknologisk udvikling inden for mikrobiologi samt muligheden for en-til-en møder med potentielle samarbejdspartnere. Disse møder vil blive aftalt forud for partnertræffet med udgangspunkt i de interesser for samarbejde, som man tilkendegiver i forbindelse med tilmeldingen. Bag partnertræffet står det slovenske ministerium for uddannelse, videnskab og sport. Partnertræffet finder sted i forbindelse med den første årlige kongres i  sammenslutningen ”Federation of European Microbiological Society”, som afholdes den 29. juni – 3. juli 2003 i Ljubljana. Det er gratis at deltage i partnertræffet, men man skal selv afholde udgifter til rejse og ophold. Tilmeldingsfristen er den 18. juni 2003, og tilmelding foregår via tilmeldingsblanketten nederst i artiklen.  Yderligere oplysninger fås hos EU-konsulent Peter Fjerring, tlf.: 7220 2973 eller e-mail pef@eurocenter.info

Priser i Rusland
af Uffe Nissen, Redaktør, Projekt Øst

Det er i høj grad pengene, der bestemmer livskvaliteten for en fami-lie og for enkeltpersoner. I Rusland har den økonomiske udvikling ikke været positiv, siden jerntæppet faldt og det har givet den slumrende kom-munisme vind i sejlene. Men det russiske folk er utrolig tålmodigt og tålsomt, det fortjener al mulig støtte fra udlandet, som de følgende tal fra folkets dagligdag vil vise. 1 rubel = 30 øre. Tallene skal divideres med 3 for at få ca. kr.-beløb.
Lønninger ligger højest indenfor militæret, som får tilskud fra Forsvarsministeriet, op til 2000-5000 rubler mdl.
Den private sektor:
Der er forskel på, hvor højt lønningerne ligger de forskellige steder i landet. Højest er lønniveauet i ho-vedstadsområdet omkring Moskva. Overordnet ledelse (direktør, områdeleder) 7200-24000 rubler.Jurist 7200-9600 rubler. Ingeniør 4800-7200 rubler.Sekretær 1440-2400 rubler. Handelsagent 2400-3600 rubler.Manager 4800-12000 rubler. Ekspedient 960-3360 rubler.Lagerforvalter 1200-4800 rubler. Chauffør 2400-7200 rubler. Typograf 2400-4800 rubler. Frisør 2400-3600 rubler.Kok 1200-2400 rubler. Syerske 2400-3600 rubler. EDB-programmør 4800-9600 rub. Sikkerhedsfolk 1680-8400 rubler. Automekaniker 4800-7200 rubler. Elektrosvejser 1680-4800 rubler. Elektriker 2400 rubler. Snedker 2400-3360 rubler.Maler 3600-4800 rubler. Murer 4800-7200 rubler.Rengøringsass. 1680-2160 rubler.   
Den offentlige sektor:
De fleste lønmodtagere i det of-fentlige er ansat som tjenestemænd, og langt de fleste af dem får de laveste lønninger i landet. Der anvendes et tarif-lønsystem, der gør lønnen afhængig af anciennitet og uddannelses-niveau.   Lønningerne ligger på 18 forskel-lige trin, der varierer fra 132 rubler på trin 1 til 1086 rubler på trin 10. Mange steder i landet bliver den-ne uhyre lille sum ikke udbetalt, så hvert år strejker minearbejdere, fordi staten skylder dem 2 års løn. De studerende får en beskeden støtte fra staten, som ikke skal tilbagebetales: 80-140 rubler mdl. afhængig af, hvor gode deres karakterer er.
Personlig økonomi :
Husleje i private ejendomme: 40-800 rubler mdl.
1 vær. lejlighed 1920-2400 rubler. El: 0,45 rubler pr. kilowatt-time.  Telefon: Fast beløb på 60 rubler mdl., rabat til pensionister.
Transport: Metro 5 rubler. Spor-vogn, bus, trolleybus 4 rubler uanset længde, der er ikke zoner i byen. Minibus, private busser 7 rubler. Månedskort til alle offentlige transportmidler 270 rubler. Månedskort f. studerende 50 rub-ler, gratis for pensionister, militær-folk, politibetjente og toldere. 
Børnehaver:
Offentlige børnehaver: 62 rubler mdl. Herudover betales for evt. ti-mer i sang, gymnastik, dans eller sprog. Forældre med 2 eller flere børn samt enlige mødre får rabat.
Private børnehaver: Her er bedre udstyr og mad, mere legetøj og kun 6-10 børn i hver gruppe. Det koster 250-800 rubler mdl., de dyreste 5000 rubler.
Levnedsmidler: 
Franskbrød, rugbrød 6-7 rubler
Smør 60-70 r., mælk 7-12 rubler
Ost, is, oksekød 60-80 rubler/kg
10 æg 16-17 r., mel 12-13 r./kg
Fisk 28-50 r./kg, sukker 14-16 r.
Havregryn 22-24 rubler/kg
Kartofler, gulerødder, løg 5-6 r/kg
Rødbeder, hvidkål 3,5 rubler/kg
Æbler, bananer rubler/kg
Kaffe 50-80 r./250 g
Te 18 r./200 g, juice 16-22 r./liter
Rød– og hvidvin 40-60 rubler
Vodka 40-60 r., øl 8-12 rubler
Medicin: 
Hovedpinepiller 6-50 rubler
Sovepiller 6-50 rubler
Vitaminpiller 100-200 rubler
P-piller 77-280 rubler  
Tandlæger:
De statsejede tandklinikker har dårligt og gammelt udstyr. Få fyldt et hul: Gratis for klinik-kens folk, for andre 96-144 rubler. Få en krone: 480-720 rubler De private tandklinikker er dyre-re, men bedre. Få fyldt et hul: 480-720 rubler. Få en krone: 3840-9600 rubler.
Sociale ydelser :
Dagpenge ved arbejdsløshed: 1.- 3. år 75 % af lønnen. Næste 4 år 60 % af lønnen. Derefter 45 % af lønnen.
Dagpenge ved sygdom: 70-100 % af lønnen.
Børnepenge: 58,44 rubler mdl. til det 16. år.
Folkepension: 430-900 rubler om måneden. 2000-3000 rubler for militærfolk.
Kilde: Cand. mag. Lena Gurova.

Øst Magasinet indfører brugerbetaling
af Øst Magasinet

Øst Magasinet på nettet vil fortsat være en gratis service for private brugere af  East-X-Net / Øst Magasinet. Men der er nu indført en brugerbetaling for virksomheder, som månedligt modtager Øst Magasinet med mail. Prisen bliver kr. 100,00 incl. moms om året pr. virksomhed. Beslutningen om indførsel af brugerbetaling har være længe undervejs og forsøgt undgået, men omkostningsstigninger i forbindelse med udgivelsen tvinger Øst Magasinet til denne foranstatning. Nuværende modtagere af vil i de kommende måneder modtage mails med opfording til virksomheder om at lade sig registrere som betalende abonnenter. Redaktøren Allan Loumann Lissau udtaler "Vi håber på at vores loyale nyhedsgruppe vil bakke os op vedrørende denne brugerbetaling. Vi vil fortsat bestræbe os på at levere et solidt og godt Øst Magasinet,  som kan holde dig informeret om udviklingen i Østeruropa." - Registering.

New Detente may die young
Moscow Times, May 29, 2003, The CDI Russia Weekly

Last week Russia, together with France and Germany, reluctantly approved a UN Security Council resolution that lifted economic sanctions imposed on Iraq in 1990, legalized the U.S.-led administration in Baghdad and allowed Washington to resume export of Iraqi oil to finance postwar reconstruction. After the vote, French government officials, including President Jacques Chirac, declared that the UN affirmation of the postwar reality in Iraq was not an endorsement in retrospect of the U.S.-led invasion. Moscow, which during the last several months of the Iraqi crisis had often echoed French opinions, this time did not copy the "no legalization" theme. The climbdown on Iraq that the Kremlin performed in the space of one week was too steep, too painful and accompanied with too much infighting inside the ruling elite to try to cover it up with empty talk about legality.

The only Russian official who ecstatically declared the UN resolution on Iraq to be a "victory" was Vladimir Putin's foreign policy advisor, Sergei Prikhodko. During the run-up to the war, Prikhodko and chief of the presidential administration Alexander Voloshin tried desperately to forge a deal with Washington on Iraq, but ultimately failed, opposed by the united forces of the anti-American lobby. This time the pro-Western lobby succeeded, but the call was also very close. Just recently during British Prime Minister Tony Blair's short working visit to Moscow that was expected to close the gap between Russia and the Anglo -American coalition, Putin announced that he would not allow the lifting of sanctions until UN inspectors operating in Iraq under the guard of UN peacekeepers officially verified the liquidation of all weapons of mass destruction.

When U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell came to Moscow on May 13 to press the Russians into supporting an early lifting of sanctions, the talks seemed to begin with the sides wide apart. While Powell was in Moscow, several Russian strategic bombers --Tu-95 Bears and Tu-160 Blackjacks -- flew from a base in the Volga region to the Indian Ocean to simulate an attack by nuclear -tipped long-range cruise missiles on U.S. Navy ships and the main U.S. air base in the region at Diego Garcia. The mission by long-range bombers was coordinated with a naval exercise in the Indian Ocean by a large task force of Russian surface ships and nuclear attack submarines (sent to the region before the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime), which simulated attacks on U.S. aircraft carrier groups. The Defense Ministry did not make much of a secret of the purely anti-American nature of the Indian Ocean military exercise and leaked the details to friendly journalists in an apparent attempt to influence foreign policy decision-making.

Under growing public pressure to reform a wasteful Soviet-style military, the generals are desperately trying to retain the United States as their main antagonist, hoping this will result in a drastic growth in defense spending sometime in the future and help keep an extended armed forces structure at present. The apparent victory by pro-Western forces did not change the Defense Ministry's underlying anti-American posture. When Paris announced it would not use its veto in the UN Security Council, Russia was left isolated. Putin was persuaded that if Moscow continued to be stubborn for too long, the cherished summit with U.S. President George W. Bush and other world leaders in St. Petersburg would be ruined.

But how long will this new detente last? This week an Iranian opposition group disclosed evidence of two previously unknown uranium enrichment facilities near Tehran. With the United States and Iran already clashing over the future of Iraq and the presence of Western forces in the country, a new acute confrontation seems inevitable.

Russia supplies Iran with nuclear technology and advanced conventional weapons, including anti-aircraft missiles. After the vote in the UN, Washington does not need to placate Moscow as much as before, and pressure is mounting to force an end to the construction of the nuclear power reactor at Bushehr on the Persian Gulf.

In fact, the Bush administration seems to be moving toward sending the Kremlin an ultimatum: End Bushehr or we will bomb it to bits anyway. The St. Peterburg summit may still survive the new controversy, but the strain is growing. Russia is scheduled to supply enriched uranium to fuel the Bushehr reactor in the coming months, while the U.S. is adamant this should not happen.

Information om SARS
af Øst Magasinet

Oplysninger om SARS skal søges på Statens Serum Instituts hjemmeside www.ssi.dk eller hos Verdenssundhedsorganisationen, WHO www.who.int.

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2. Opinion

'Poland and Denmark in the European Union',
af Statsminister Anders Fogh Rasmussen.

Tale i Polen den 2. juni 2003 (Talen er på engelsk)

Mr. Prime Minister, Voivod, Marshall, ladies and gentlemen,
Thank you for inviting me to give this address here at the Castle of Pomorian Prince. It is, indeed, a great pleasure for me to be here. Looking out at this sea of faces, young students and citizens of Europe, I feel privileged to be asked to share some of my thoughts with you, the future of Europe.

Your country has had a turbulent past, with various nations claiming the right to rule over you. Indeed, as some of you may be aware, Szczecin – together with Pomerania – was under Danish rule for a short period from 1184 to 1227. A long time ago, I know, but these historical ties cannot be denied.

Today, Poland decides for itself – and can now choose to be an equal partner and take its place as a sovereign nation alongside other nations of a united Europe. In fact, the process has already started. Later this morning I will be visiting the headquarters of the Polish-German-Danish trilateral corps “North-East”, a part of the NATO command structure and a tangible example of just how far we have come in terms of political and practical cooperation since the end of the cold war. History offered me the privilege of concluding the EU enlargement negotiations in Copenhagen in December.

The negotiations were tough at times. I am sure that you, Prime Minister Miller, can confirm that! Four tough rounds, but no knock out. It’s no secret that your Prime Minister is an able negotiator, especially when fighting for Poland. But I think we achieved a good result, a fair result for Poland and the best possible basis for Polish membership of the EU.

I fully understand this insistence on obtaining the best for Poland. For Poland has a long and dramatic history. The Polish people have endured inconceivable suffering and hardship. Throughout the centuries Poland has been exposed to the whims of powerful neighbours. For more than 100 years from 1795 to 1918 Poland did not even exist as an independent state. And it was the invasion of Poland in 1939 which led other nations to say “enough is enough” and served to trigger the start of the Second World War.

We fought to rid the world of tyranny but, tragically, Poland was once again destined to be subject to the will of others. For more than 40 years the Polish people were deprived of some of their fundamental rights, unable to determine the future and policies of their own country. But you are a proud people with a strong will. I think it is true to say that the process that led to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 started with the Solidarity movement here in Poland. Europe owes a lot to the courage of those brave men and women who once again took a stand against tyranny.

Today Poland is a true democracy. This is evident from the fact that this weekend’s historic decision concerning EU membership is entirely in the hands of the Polish people. It is my sincere hope that all those who can vote, will vote. Ask your parents and grandparents to play their part in shaping the future of Poland – the future of their children, their grandchildren and all generations to come.

In 2003, Denmark celebrates 30 years of membership of the EU - 30 years of remarkable economic development. Of course, this has not been achieved solely because of our membership of the EU. But I am convinced that our membership has contributed substantially to the growth and development of our nation. And Denmark is not alone in this. I am sure that the current generations of Spaniards, Portuguese and Irish are able to confirm that EU membership has boosted all their economies.

Today Europe is a huge single market with over 500 million consumers – presenting itself as a big opportunity also for Polish companies. But today’s EU is about far more than just economic cooperation.

Terrorism, international crime and illegal immigration are problems that affect us all. Together, we can combat them. We all want to ensure a better environment and improved food quality. If we are united in our efforts to achieve these aims we will surely succeed.

The world around us is changing. Through cooperation the members of the EU can adapt to these changes and meet the challenges of the new world order.

But what of our national identities? To those who might fear that Polish sovereignty or national identity will be threatened by EU membership I would say the following: When Denmark entered the EU, many sceptics proclaimed the end of sovereignty. Some still do. But I see no signs of this. Our national characteristics have not disappeared. Neither our welfare society nor our culture are endangered by the EU. On the contrary - our society is enriched by the cooperation with other peoples of Europe. We can and should learn from them. But at the end of the day - Danes are still Danes - and Poles will still be Poles.

Ladies and gentlemen, Let me finally say that EU accession is not a magic answer to all the challenges Poland is facing. Reaping the fruits of EU membership also requires hard work. Reaping any harvest always does. Poland is perhaps more aware of this than many others. When I look at the huge amount of effort you have put into reforming your country I can only believe that Polish membership of this unique community will be of mutual benefit for Poland and for the EU. In the EU we have found ways of tackling common problems, overcoming differences and sharing ideas. We have experienced two generations without war, on a continent that saw more bloodshed in the 20th century than any other part of the world. Polish EU membership will expand this zone of peace and democracy. Enlargement is our best guarantee for a Europe with political strength, with economic strength and the power to make a difference in a troublesome world.

The people of five accession countries have already made their decision. Malta, Slovenia, Hungary, Lithuania and Slovakia have all chosen to become members of the EU – most by an overwhelming majority.

And Denmark looks forward to welcoming Poland as a member of the EU on 1 May 2004. Together, we will work for a better future – together we shall build the new, strengthened Europe of tomorrow. The chance is yours. The choice is yours. Thank you.

3. Investering i Østeuropa

Markedskommentar
af Jyske Invest - Offentliggjort den 4 juni 2003.

Tilbageblik
Rusland var igen det bedste marked i regionen. Specielt forsyningsselskabet UES havde en god måned med en stigning på hele 40%. I forbindelse med en opsplitning af selskabet, som følge af en liberalisering af markedet, vil det blive muligt at ombytte aktier i moderselskabet til de mere profitable dele af elektricitetsselskabet. Det har fået strategiske investorer til at købe op i selskabet, hvilket også gøres for at sikre billig elektricitet til deres egne selskaber fremover.

Forventninger
Vi forventer, at Polen siger "ja" til EU ved afstemningen d. 7-8 juni. Det betyder, at der nu kan komme større fokus på at løse de indenlandske problemer med at øge væksten og nedbringe arbejdsløsheden samtidig med at budgetunderskuddet også skal nedbringes.
Vi forventer en fortsat positiv økonomisk og politisk udvikling i de østeuropæiske lande. Målt på BNP pr. indbygger er selv de rigeste østeuropæiske lande bagud i forhold til de fattigste af EU-landene. Igennem de sidste mange år er denne forskel dog mindsket, og vi forventer, at trenden fortsætter. Aktierne i Østeuropa er desuden væsentligt billigere end aktierne i Vesteuropa, og med en fortsat konvergens mod standarderne i Vesteuropa forventer vi, at denne forskel vil blive indsnævret.

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4. Næste udgivelse

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